Syria Braces for Inquiry in Lebanon Murder Case
By HASSAN M. FATTAH
Published: September 10, 2005
DAMASCUS, Syria, Sept. 9 -The senior United Nations investigator in the murder of a former Lebanese prime minister is expected here Monday, a visit that is already roiling the political waters as many here brace for further revelations.
In an increasingly tense atmosphere, security guards have become more prevalent and more obvious on the streets of Damascus, and the Syrian president, Bashar al-Assad, canceled a trip to the United Nations next week.
All this comes amid signs that the investigator, Detlev Mehlis, is looking closely at the Syrian government's possible involvement in the Feb. 14 car-bomb attack on the former prime minister, Rafik Hariri. The explosion, which left 21 dead, set off a public uprising and, ultimately, forced Syria to withdraw its troops from Lebanon.
Mr. Mehlis's visit, which follows the arrest of four senior Lebanese generals in connection with the killing, is intended to set the stage for a broader investigation. He is initially expected to interrogate senior Syrian security officials who were based in Lebanon, including Maj. Gen. Rustom Ghazali, former head of Syrian military intelligence in Beirut, as well as several of his associates. But many officials here fear that Mr. Mehlis may also interrogate much higher-level officials.
As a possible indication of his timeline, Mr. Mehlis on Friday sought a 40-day extension of his mandate, which was to end next week.
Mr. Assad dropped his planned trip to New York for the United Nations session on global poverty after warnings from the Bush administration that he would be isolated.
Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice said Friday that the investigation would be a top item on her agenda when she meets with foreign ministers at the General Assembly. "We continue to be concerned about the full implementation of the resolutions concerning Lebanon, and that the Mehlis investigation get full support and cooperation from all member states so that he can do his work," Ms. Rice said at a news conference in Washington.
In Damascus, Mr. Mehlis will try to build on information culled from senior Lebanese agents and numerous informants who have stepped forward to provide evidence and testimony in recent weeks, developments which led to the indictments of the four pro-Syrian Lebanese generals. The four suspects, Jamil al-Sayyed, Lebanon's former head of general security; Ali Hajj, former chief of the Lebanese police; Raymond Azar, a former military intelligence chief; and Mustafa Hamdan, the leader of Lebanon's National Guard, have been charged with murder by a Lebanese investigative judge.
The arrests and the continuing inquiry are helping to shift the political winds here, as the mood in the country has grown more foreboding.
"A month ago, many thought it's impossible that we would have had anything to do with the assassination," said Samir Aita, a political analyst and economic adviser. "Now, many people have doubts, and that's a major political change."
Damascus cafes were full this week and its markets bustled as an eerie sense of normalcy belied the crisis the city might soon face. But in stolen glances and whispered conversations, the city's growing anxiety bubbled to the surface.
Government officials have sought to put the best face on Mr. Mehlis's visit, saying that Syria has the most to gain from a full airing of the case.
"We would like to bring out the truth about Syria's role," said Buthaina Shaban, a government spokeswoman. "We believe that both Syria and Lebanon have been targeted in this investigation and hope we can set the record straight."
But as the investigation has inched closer to the government, many Syrians are bracing for a likely political storm. In recent weeks, Syrian opposition figures have been warned to refrain from discussing the issue.
"The whole country is on its knees waiting for Mehlis," said Yassin al-Haj Saleh, an opposition figure and writer. "But our greatest goal now is to avoid a total catastrophe."
What exactly will happen next is a subject of intense debate here.
Syrian analysts expect the government to hand over any low-level figures indicted in the investigation. But speculation abounds that Mr. Mehlis may go as far as interrogating Syria's interior minister and others in Mr. Assad's inner circle. That, many say, could link the government directly to the assassination and set off a cascade of problems.
The most immediate fear is that the country may face crippling sanctions, much like those imposed on Iraq in 1990. "Nobody is willing to sacrifice" for the government, said one prominent analyst, who asked not to be identified for fear of reprisals. "This is not about Palestine, nor about Iraq. It's about a fundamental defect in the regime that the regime itself has acknowledged."
No matter what happens, most here believe that Syria is headed for major changes after the investigation is completed. "We don't know what the change will be or will look like," said Abdel Salam Haykal, a magazine publisher and young entrepreneur. "But Syria will never be the same again."
Katherine Zoepf contributed reporting from Damascus for this article.
Saturday, September 10, 2005
Friday, September 09, 2005
Lebanon's hidden strengths
While outside powers have long tried to break Lebanon apart, its embedded traditions of co-existence and openness can, and should, keep it together, writes Mustafa El-Feki*
To the Arab world Lebanon has long stood as an oasis of intellectual and political freedom. Lebanon is Jibran Khalil Jibran, Mikhail Naima, Shokeib Arslan and countless other luminaries of Arab humanitarian thought and literary creativity. Unfortunately, the brightness with which Lebanon's beacon has illuminated the Arab world and beyond is matched only by the darkness of the clouds of outside ambitions and pressures that have continuously cast their shadow over that beautiful country. Lebanon seems a perpetual victim of designs aimed to disrupt its national unity, deaden its cultural vibrancy and rock its stability and security. After only a brief and shaky respite from that long civil war that engulfed the country in the late 20th Century, Lebanon is once again on the brink of turmoil. A series of assassination attacks targeting prominent politicians and media figures appears deliberately calibrated to prevent that country from reaching its full potential.
No country deserves this type of malicious tampering with its stability and security. However there are many reasons why all possible efforts should be made to spare Lebanon. Perhaps the most important of these reasons is the need to preserve Lebanon as the region's civic breathing space and model for political plurality. Studies have shown that religiously and ethnically diverse societies are more progressive than demographically uniform ones. Diversity is not a curse but a blessing. It is a manifestation of peaceful co- existence, a sense of common cause and a process of amalgamation that optimises the available skills and know-how towards the benefit of all segments of society. Plurality and intellectual diversity enrich the character of a society and propel it forward. Lebanon's religious plurality has found concrete political expression in the multi-denominational order that has prevailed from the 1943 Charter through the Taif Agreement, which sought to end the Civil War and promote national reconciliation. I believe that Lebanon on the whole offers a model of interfaith co-existence. There is no antagonism, in the strongest sense of the word, between its various denominational groups for the simple reason that they are roughly equivalent in size. The ratio between Christians and Muslims is approximately even and the same applies to Shias and Sunnis and to Maronites and Druze. Every denomination has a place in society and none can be said to politically or socially dominate the others.
Israel has always regarded Lebanon as its regional rival in democratic openness and economic acumen. Indeed, this may have been one of the major factors that motivated the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982 and Israel's incessant attempts to fuel Lebanon's latent tensions. But not only does Israel not want to see a thriving, politically robust Lebanon on its northern borders, it also feels that a divided strife-ridden Lebanon will help it fulfil its regional and economic ambitions. This factor, too, offers a compelling reason to safeguard Lebanon's political integrity.
One cannot understand Lebanon without also taking into consideration the fact that together with Syria it formed part of what was once known as Greater Syria. Because of the geographical, historical and demographic continuities of this connection the countries share unique common properties and are, therefore, bound by a unique bilateral relationship with, moreover, strong economic and strategic dimensions. Not all believe that this relationship should remain as close as it has evolved. Lebanon, too, has always been the bridge between the Arab orient and the European occident. The importance of this conduit cannot be overestimated and all efforts should be made to preserve its efficacy. Perhaps this explains France's enthusiasm for ending the Syrian presence in Lebanon, a position French President Jacques Chirac has justified on the grounds that the former is implicated in the recent series of political assassinations in Lebanon.
Regardless of the stance one takes on that issue, there is no questioning Lebanon's Arab identity and simultaneously the properties that are unique to Lebanon and must be preserved. Gamal Abdel-Nasser recognised this at the height of the pan- Arab unity movement and Anwar El-Sadat was equally emphatic when he later exhorted regional and international powers to "keep your hands off Lebanon". The Saudis, too, were determined to safeguard the integrity of Lebanon and preserve its identity. Among their means towards this end were individuals of the stature of the late prime minister Rafik Al-Hariri and policies such as brokering and pushing through the Taif Agreement. It should be stressed, here, that all Lebanese share the affiliation to their country's Arab identity. Lebanese Christians are Arab in origin and continued to thrive after the arrival of Islam. In Lebanon, religious and national identities do not overlap, as is generally the case in other countries of the region.
That the recent series of assassination bombings targeted individuals representing diverse religious denominations and political factions can only mean one thing. Terrorism has raised its ugly head and Lebanon as a whole is the target. There is little doubt that the assassinations are directly related to the Syrian withdrawal from Lebanon, and that this divisive issue is related to the ongoing conflict between South Lebanon and Israel, and the Palestinian question. There is also no doubt that various international and regional powers are attempting to plant factional and sectarian mines in Lebanon in order to further their own ends in the region.
Such designs make it all the more imperative to stress that Lebanon is an integral and indivisible whole and must remain as such. Much hope for this is to be found in the Lebanese people themselves; that dynamic and energetic people whose spirit of adventure and entrepreneurship has led them to establish thriving communities in all corners of the earth and whose courage and lust for life have enabled their country to withstand endless years of calamity visited upon it from outside. The Lebanese, too, have a rich and deeply rooted history of innovative political traditions, making their country a model of modernisation that our region can be proud of. At the same time Lebanon, in many ways, is a miniature of the current state of the Arab world. In it we can find many of the ailments and the conflicts that plague us all, the fact of which the Lebanese are acutely aware as they strive to forge the future of their country in spite of attempts to undermine their unity and stability and the openness of their society.
The Lebanese are a highly intelligent people, capable of incorporating the lessons of the past as they unravel the complexities of the present and chart a course for the future. This said, one hopes that the Lebanese give due consideration to a phenomenon that has long been a major determinant of their political life. The traditional denominational and kin-based hereditary leaderships that have dominated Lebanese politics are one of the major factors that render Lebanon vulnerable to outside tampering. Such tribal modes of social and political organisation are common to all countries of the Third World; however, Lebanon's current circumstances make it more vital than ever that it makes the transition to a more modern civic polity, and from there to a brighter and more secure future. There are many reasons that Lebanon is well equipped to make this transition quickly and effectively. One is its robust political party and parliamentary life, against which the experiences of other Arab countries pale, and the integrity and transparency of its electoral processes, which, at least from the perspective of the rest of the Arab world, meet all the standards of probity that apply in the West. A second is that although there is a clear interplay between religion and politics in Lebanon, this interplay is conducted in a highly praiseworthy spirit of mutual respect and consideration.
Lebanon, which is currently in the grips of so many tensions and conspiracies weaving their evils beneath the surface, is the same Lebanon that has confronted the most insidious challenges and ultimately defeated them through its indomitable will to survive. This is why I believe that in the coming years Lebanon will find compensation for its long suffering, its ceaseless problems and its great sacrifices.
While outside powers have long tried to break Lebanon apart, its embedded traditions of co-existence and openness can, and should, keep it together, writes Mustafa El-Feki*
To the Arab world Lebanon has long stood as an oasis of intellectual and political freedom. Lebanon is Jibran Khalil Jibran, Mikhail Naima, Shokeib Arslan and countless other luminaries of Arab humanitarian thought and literary creativity. Unfortunately, the brightness with which Lebanon's beacon has illuminated the Arab world and beyond is matched only by the darkness of the clouds of outside ambitions and pressures that have continuously cast their shadow over that beautiful country. Lebanon seems a perpetual victim of designs aimed to disrupt its national unity, deaden its cultural vibrancy and rock its stability and security. After only a brief and shaky respite from that long civil war that engulfed the country in the late 20th Century, Lebanon is once again on the brink of turmoil. A series of assassination attacks targeting prominent politicians and media figures appears deliberately calibrated to prevent that country from reaching its full potential.
No country deserves this type of malicious tampering with its stability and security. However there are many reasons why all possible efforts should be made to spare Lebanon. Perhaps the most important of these reasons is the need to preserve Lebanon as the region's civic breathing space and model for political plurality. Studies have shown that religiously and ethnically diverse societies are more progressive than demographically uniform ones. Diversity is not a curse but a blessing. It is a manifestation of peaceful co- existence, a sense of common cause and a process of amalgamation that optimises the available skills and know-how towards the benefit of all segments of society. Plurality and intellectual diversity enrich the character of a society and propel it forward. Lebanon's religious plurality has found concrete political expression in the multi-denominational order that has prevailed from the 1943 Charter through the Taif Agreement, which sought to end the Civil War and promote national reconciliation. I believe that Lebanon on the whole offers a model of interfaith co-existence. There is no antagonism, in the strongest sense of the word, between its various denominational groups for the simple reason that they are roughly equivalent in size. The ratio between Christians and Muslims is approximately even and the same applies to Shias and Sunnis and to Maronites and Druze. Every denomination has a place in society and none can be said to politically or socially dominate the others.
Israel has always regarded Lebanon as its regional rival in democratic openness and economic acumen. Indeed, this may have been one of the major factors that motivated the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982 and Israel's incessant attempts to fuel Lebanon's latent tensions. But not only does Israel not want to see a thriving, politically robust Lebanon on its northern borders, it also feels that a divided strife-ridden Lebanon will help it fulfil its regional and economic ambitions. This factor, too, offers a compelling reason to safeguard Lebanon's political integrity.
One cannot understand Lebanon without also taking into consideration the fact that together with Syria it formed part of what was once known as Greater Syria. Because of the geographical, historical and demographic continuities of this connection the countries share unique common properties and are, therefore, bound by a unique bilateral relationship with, moreover, strong economic and strategic dimensions. Not all believe that this relationship should remain as close as it has evolved. Lebanon, too, has always been the bridge between the Arab orient and the European occident. The importance of this conduit cannot be overestimated and all efforts should be made to preserve its efficacy. Perhaps this explains France's enthusiasm for ending the Syrian presence in Lebanon, a position French President Jacques Chirac has justified on the grounds that the former is implicated in the recent series of political assassinations in Lebanon.
Regardless of the stance one takes on that issue, there is no questioning Lebanon's Arab identity and simultaneously the properties that are unique to Lebanon and must be preserved. Gamal Abdel-Nasser recognised this at the height of the pan- Arab unity movement and Anwar El-Sadat was equally emphatic when he later exhorted regional and international powers to "keep your hands off Lebanon". The Saudis, too, were determined to safeguard the integrity of Lebanon and preserve its identity. Among their means towards this end were individuals of the stature of the late prime minister Rafik Al-Hariri and policies such as brokering and pushing through the Taif Agreement. It should be stressed, here, that all Lebanese share the affiliation to their country's Arab identity. Lebanese Christians are Arab in origin and continued to thrive after the arrival of Islam. In Lebanon, religious and national identities do not overlap, as is generally the case in other countries of the region.
That the recent series of assassination bombings targeted individuals representing diverse religious denominations and political factions can only mean one thing. Terrorism has raised its ugly head and Lebanon as a whole is the target. There is little doubt that the assassinations are directly related to the Syrian withdrawal from Lebanon, and that this divisive issue is related to the ongoing conflict between South Lebanon and Israel, and the Palestinian question. There is also no doubt that various international and regional powers are attempting to plant factional and sectarian mines in Lebanon in order to further their own ends in the region.
Such designs make it all the more imperative to stress that Lebanon is an integral and indivisible whole and must remain as such. Much hope for this is to be found in the Lebanese people themselves; that dynamic and energetic people whose spirit of adventure and entrepreneurship has led them to establish thriving communities in all corners of the earth and whose courage and lust for life have enabled their country to withstand endless years of calamity visited upon it from outside. The Lebanese, too, have a rich and deeply rooted history of innovative political traditions, making their country a model of modernisation that our region can be proud of. At the same time Lebanon, in many ways, is a miniature of the current state of the Arab world. In it we can find many of the ailments and the conflicts that plague us all, the fact of which the Lebanese are acutely aware as they strive to forge the future of their country in spite of attempts to undermine their unity and stability and the openness of their society.
The Lebanese are a highly intelligent people, capable of incorporating the lessons of the past as they unravel the complexities of the present and chart a course for the future. This said, one hopes that the Lebanese give due consideration to a phenomenon that has long been a major determinant of their political life. The traditional denominational and kin-based hereditary leaderships that have dominated Lebanese politics are one of the major factors that render Lebanon vulnerable to outside tampering. Such tribal modes of social and political organisation are common to all countries of the Third World; however, Lebanon's current circumstances make it more vital than ever that it makes the transition to a more modern civic polity, and from there to a brighter and more secure future. There are many reasons that Lebanon is well equipped to make this transition quickly and effectively. One is its robust political party and parliamentary life, against which the experiences of other Arab countries pale, and the integrity and transparency of its electoral processes, which, at least from the perspective of the rest of the Arab world, meet all the standards of probity that apply in the West. A second is that although there is a clear interplay between religion and politics in Lebanon, this interplay is conducted in a highly praiseworthy spirit of mutual respect and consideration.
Lebanon, which is currently in the grips of so many tensions and conspiracies weaving their evils beneath the surface, is the same Lebanon that has confronted the most insidious challenges and ultimately defeated them through its indomitable will to survive. This is why I believe that in the coming years Lebanon will find compensation for its long suffering, its ceaseless problems and its great sacrifices.
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